Through gendered Lens
A Challenge of Women's 'Dynamic Participation' in Local Government Politics: A Dream of Democracy
Zakia Arshad, SAP PakistanIf democracy in countries like Pakistan is considered to be a dream, it is entirely due to women's unheard voices in political, social, economic and cultural arenas. One of the foremost blockades to women empowerment in Pakistan is women's least dynamic participation, especially at grass root levels in local government politics. Some of the women councilors have overcome barriers to run for elections, as effectual decision-makers, public opinion- makers and above all political lobbyists to persuade the elected officials through their own political emancipation.
In Pakistan, the provincial governments decreed the Local Government Ordinance, 2001 as a new incorporated Local Government System to be functional within the provincial framework and hold fast to the Federal and Provincial laws. The fundamental nature of local government implies that decision-makers are accountable to citizens almost directly. Thence, it encouraged many segments in society to participate dynamically for community participation and mobilization to work for their own development. Particularly, women came forward to participate. That evaporated out not only gender gaps and biases but also rural and urban divide to some extent. Mentionably, if women participation has been realized in local government politics, it is due to 'participatory interface' between elected officials, community representatives, deprived women, minority groups, NGOs and government officials. Thus, the political process of good governance has taken birth at grass roots level.
In fact, it is a landmark political development, in local government politics in Pakistan that carried 28528 women into the Union, Tehsil and District Councils in 2005. Nonetheless, 'political equality' should be the basis of inclusion of women in Pakistani institutional politics instantaneously to avoid any divergence from 'good governance'. Here to mention, even if women councilors are educated and trained for the execution of developmental tasks, they should also be educated and motivated for decision and policy- making initiatives at national, regional and global levels. Merely, their existence in local government must not be demarcated to sectoral development of their localities because women need to be motivated for more dynamic participation to realize their untouched economic, social, cultural, civil and political corridors on larger arena.
Consequently, we need to address women vulnerabilities through dynamic participation for global articulation of their own human rights from local, national and regional platforms. Besides, through dynamic participation on institutional levels, we can question women's 'right to fair trial' and 'right to justice'. And ask for more answereable police and judiciary for the materialization of equitable justice system. The preamble of CEDAW identifies equal rights between men and women, and states contempt for discrimination against women which "is an obstacle to the participation of women, on equal terms with men, in the political, social, economic and cultural life".
Despite specific quota system and reserved seats for women in local government structure, women's 'dynamic participation' on community level is still questionable. What prevents women from dynamic participation in politics is potential masculine political instinct within Pakistani politics at all levels. Above all, masculine political acquaintance, violence and money play against women through political power shifts at local and national levels.
Certainly, there are major factors which prevent women from dynamic participation in local government politics. Such factors include violence by family members; harassment at work place; economic and social dependency on men; personal defamation; no access to information and communication; no access to education and profession and religion as socio-political trespasser.
According to Article 7 (clause I) of SAARC Social Charter
"State Parties reaffirm their belief that discrimination against women is incompatible with human rights, dignity and with welfare of the family and society, that it prevents women realizing their social and economic potential and their participation on equal terms with men, in the political, social, economic and cultural life of the country, and is a serious obstacle to the full development of their personality and in their contribution to the social and economic development of their countries."
Adequately, the Constitution of Pakistan, UDHR, CEDAW and SAARC Social Charter are pertinent to women dynamic participation in politics. By and large, aforementioned regional and international instruments encompass the doctrine of 'equality' to pursue social, economic and political status both for men and women. As much as necessary, these legal standards have questioned legally the 'dynamism of women' in political process of the country. In 1996, Pakistan acceded to the CEDAW (with reservations on some of its clauses) but the treaty is not implemented in its letter and spirit as obvious from persistence of oppressive regime against women in the society. It is crucial to emphasize 'that Pakistan is not part of the succession of the treaty'.
Beneath lays the archetype of legalistic approach of CEDAW as 'an international bill of rights for women; as well as also 'an agenda of action' for nations to safeguard the enjoyment of human rights. It believes that violence against women could be reduced through economic, political, social and cultural stability. How many women have access to correct and complete information? How many women are given the opportunities to represent their issues at local, national, regional and global level? How many women are given the space of leadership in country's politics? To have cognizant political environment for women, we need to adhere to the norms of 'right to know' and 'right to correct information' in the spheres of economy, societal and civil infrastructure, political developments at national and international forums.
In reality, there have been certain important developments in Pakistan, especially in General Musharraf's time through Legal Framework Order 2002 and the subsequent Election 2002 Rules. These rules - which now have constitutional cover in terms of '17th amendment' - increased women's representation in politics from gross 5 % to above 30 %, from top to the lowest of the political rungs.
Likewise, the government initiatives, Gender Reform Action Plan (GRAP) and National Program of Action (NPA) pertaining to 'women participation' aimed at political participation; institutional structure; women employment in public sector; policy- making and capacity- development through gender equality. There is a vast majority of elected women councilors, mostly at the Union Council level in Pakistan, who complained about being sidelined in their Councils' budget planning; approval of development schemes; passing of resolutions and taking up agendas for discussion.
Now, there are two major questions: How to ensure 'women's dynamic participation' according to CEDAW's normative legal standards in a country? How to place women as autonomous government representatives, self-directed human rights and liberal peace leaders and self- motivating experts of economic and development to monitor; to know; to criticize;to propose; to advocate; to decide; to policies and to implement as their counterparts (men) on regional and global levels?
Whilst government has not respected and fulfilled the essence of CEDAW, thus far civil society and pressure groups must have to go all-out for women's political hegemony. As a matter of fact, Pakistan is legally bound to ensure implementation of CEDAW and to concentrate on the issues of social, political and economic gender inequality intrinsic in the system. The 'regime of human rights for women' could be created on provincial and national levels- not merely on local level, where political process is narrowed down to district and union levels. As political fate of women is decided on provincial and national levels and they are the ones to control women's plight from head to toe and from mind to heart. Hence, a challenge of 'dynamic participation' must be democratized for realization of both normative theories and practices of human rights law for women in Pakistan.
